Glimpses of Christian History Presents Pastwords #87: Plague, Fire and Confusion by Richard Baxter ©2007

BAXTER, RICHARD (1615-91), Puritan divine. Born at Rowton, Salop, he was largely self-educated. In disgust at the frivolity of the Court he returned home to study divinity, in particular the Schoolmen. In 1634 he came into intimate contact with Joseph Symonds and Walter Cradock, two devout Nonconformist divines, who awakened his sympathies for the positive elements in dissent. In 1638 he was ordained by John Thornborough, Bp of Worcester, and in 1639 nominated assistant minister at Bridgnorth, where he remained for two years, increasing his knowledge of the issues between Nonconformity and the C of E. After the promulgation of the "Et Cetera Oath" (1640) he rejected belief in episcopacy in its current English form. In 1641 he became curate of the incumbent of Kidderminster, where amongst a corrupt and unhealthy population of hand-loom workers he continued to minister with remarkable success until 1660. So far as possible he ignoredthe differences between Presbyterian, Episcopalian, and Independent, and secured co-operation among the local ministers in common pastoral work. In the early part of the Civil War he temporarily joined the Parliamentary Army, preaching at Alcester on the day of the Battle of Edgehill (23 Oct. 1642). A champion of moderation, he was opposed to the Solemn League and Covenant (1643) and also disliked Oliver Cromwell's religious views. After the Battle of Naseby (14 June 1645) he became Chaplain to Colonel Edward Whalley's regiment, seeking to counteract the sectaries and to curb republican tendencies. On leaving the army (1647) he retired for a time to Rouse Lench, where he wrote his devotional classic, The Saints Everlasting Rest (1650). In 1660 he played a prominent part in the recall of Charles II; but his dissatisfaction with episcopacy led him to decline the Bishopric of Hereford. This refusal debarred him from ecclesiastical office and he was not permitted to return to Kidderminster or to hold any living. Between 1662 and the Declaration of Indulgence of 1687 he endured persecution, suffering at the hands of the notorious Judge Jeffreys on the questionable charge of having "libelled the Church" in his Paraphrase on the New Testament (1685). He took part in the overthrow of James II and readily complied with the Toleration Act of William and Mary. He died on 8 Dec 1691. Baxter left nearly 200 writings. They breathe a spirit of deep unaffected piety and reflect his love of moderation. The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church . . . Novemb. 16. 1670.

  began to add the Memorials following. Seeing God hath been pleased to add these few Years more to my Pilgrimage, I will add some Account of His Providences towards me, and his People in this Land, in these additional Years. When I ended my last Narrative, the dreadful Plague was laying waste, especially the City of London; and thence spread into the neighbouring Parts, and into many distant Cities and Corporations of the Land. Yet did we hear of no publick Repentance professed by any one City or Corporation, for that Profession by which they were all at that time even Constituted, whilst that all that had any Office or Trust therein, declared, any Person; no not from their Vow against Popery, Shism, or Prophaneness, nor their Vow to Defend the King, nor their Promise of Repentance for their Sins. And who can but fear that such an universal Sin must be yet more sharply punished, when such a Scourge as this had no better effects? The Number that died in London (besides all the rest of the Land) was about an Hundred Thousand, reckoning the Quakers, and others, that were never put in the Bills of Mortality, with those that were in the Bills. The richer sort removing out of the City, the greatest Blow fell on the Poor. At the first so few of the Religiouser sort were taken away, that (according to the mode of too many such) they began to be puffed up, and boast of the great difference which God did make: But quickly after, they all fell alike. Yet not many pious Ministers were taken away; I remember but Three, who were all of my own Acquaintance. . . . And now after all the Breaches on the Churches, the Ejection of the Ministers, and Impenitency under all, Wars and Plague and danger of Famine began all at once on us. War with the Hollanders, which yet continueth: And the driest Winter, Spring and Summer that ever Man alive knew, or our Forefathers mention of late Ages: so that the Grounds were burnt like the High-ways, where the Cattle should have fed! The Meadow Grounds where I lived bare but four Loads of Hay, which before bare forty: The Christendom; and at this time 8000 and near 300 die of all Diseases in a Week: It hath scattered and consumed the Inhabitants: Multitudes being dead and fled: The Calamites and Cries of the diseased and impoverished are not to be conceived by those that are absent from them! Every Man is a terrour to his Neighbour and himself: for God honoured with his Gospel above all Places of the Earth, laid low in Horrours, and wasted almost to Desolution, by the Wrath of God, whom England hath contemned; and a God-hating Generation are consumed in their Sins, and the Righteous are also taken away as from greater Evil yet to come. Strange Comets (which filled the Thoughts and Writings of Astronomers) did in the Winter and Spring a long time appear before these Calamites. Yet under all these Desolations the Wicked are burdened, and cast all on the Fanaticks: and the true dividing Fanaticks and Sectaries are not yet humbled for former Miscarriages, but cast all on the Prelates and Imposers: And the ignorant Vulgar are stupid, and know not what use to make of any thing they feel: But thousands of the sober, prudent, faithful Servants of the Lord, are mourning in secret, and waiting for his Salvation; in Humility and Hope they are staying themselves on God, and expecting what he will do with them. . . .

It is scarce possible for People that live in a time of Health and Security, to apprehend the dreadfulness of that Pestilence! How fearful People were, thirty or forty, if not an hundred Miles from London, of any thing that they bought from any Mercer's, or Draper's Shop; or of any Goods that were brought to them; or of any Person that came to their Houses. How they would shut their Doors against their Friends; and if a Man passed over the Fields, how one would avoid another, as we did in the time of Wars; and how every Man was a Terrour to another! O how sinfully unthankful are we for our quiet Societies, Habitations and Health! . . .

But one great Benefit the Plague brought to the City, that is, it occasioned the Silenc'd Ministers more openly and laboriously to Preach the Gospel, to the exceeding comfort and profit of the People; insomuch, that to this Day the freedom of Preaching, which this occasiones, cannot, by the daily Guars of Soldiers, nor by the Imprisonments of Multitudes, be restrained. The Ministers that were Silenced for Nonconformity, had ever since 1662. done their Work very privately, and to a few (not so much through some timorousness of the People that should hear them.) And when the Plague grew hot, most of the Conformable Ministers fled, and left their Flocks, in the time of their Extremity: whereupon divers Non-conformists pitying the dying and distressed People, that had none to call the impenitent to Repentance, nor to help Men to prepare for another World; nor to comfort them in their Terrors, when about Ten Thousand dyed in a Week, resolved that no obedience to the Laws of any mortal Men whosoever, could justifie them for neglecting of Men's Souls and Bodies in such extremities; no more than they can justifie Parents for famishing their Children to death: And that when Christ shall say, Inasmuch as ye did it not to one of these, ye did it not to me, It will be a poor excuse to say, [Lord I was forbidden by the Law.] Therefore they resolved to stay with the People, and to go in to the forsaken Pulpits, though prohibited, and to preach to the poor People before they dyed; and also to visit the Sick, and get what relief they could for the Poor, especially those that were shut up. . . .

The Face of Death did so awaken both the Preachers, and the Hearers, that Preachers exceeded themselves in lively, fervent preaching, and the People crowded constantly to hear them; and all was done with so great Seriousness, as that, through the Blessing of God, abundance were converted from their Carelessness, Impenitency, and youthful Lusts and Vanities; and Religion took that hold on the Peoples Hearts, as could never afterward be loosed. And at the same time, whilst God was consuming the People by these Judgments, and the Nonconformists were labouring to save Men's Souls, the Parliament (which fate at Oxford, whither the King removed from the danger of the Plague) was busie in making an Act of Confinement, to make the Silenc'd Ministers Case incomparably harder than it was before, by putting upon them a certain Oath, which if they refused, they must not come (except the Road) within five Miles of any City, or of any Corporation, or any place that sendeth Burgesses to the Parliament; or of any place where-ever they had been Ministers, or had preached since the Act of Oblivion. . . . Yea, they allowed them not to be kept as common Beggars, on the Alms of the Parish; but when by the Law, every Beggar is to be brought to the place of his Birth, or last abode, and there to be kept on Alms; No Minister must come, within five Miles of the Parish where he ever exercised his Ministry; nor any that were born in Cities and Corporations, must come within five Miles of them for relief.

In this strait, those Ministers that had any Maintenance of their own did find out some Dwellings in obscure Villages, or in some few Market-Towns, which were no Corporations: And those that had nothing, did leave their Wives and Children, and hid themselves abroad, and sometimes came secretly to them by night. But (God bringing Good out of Men's Evil) many resolved to preach the more freely in Cities and Corporation till they went to Prison: Partly, because they were then in the way of their Calling, in which they could suffer with the greatest peace, and partly, because they might so do some good before they suffered; and partly, because the People much desired it, and also were readier to relieve one that laboured for them, than one that did nothing but hide himself; and partly because when they lay in Prison for preaching the Gospel, both they, and their Wives and Children, were like to find more pity and relief, than if they should forsake their People, and their Work. Seeing therefore the Question came to this, Whether Beggary and Famine to themselves and Families, with the deserting of their Callings, and the People's Souls, was to be chosen, or the faithful performance of their Work, the more eligible. And yet when they had so chosen, their Straits were great, for the Country was so impoverished, that those of the People who were willing to relieve the Ministers, were not able: And most that were able, were partly their Adversaries, and partly worldly-minded, and strait-handed, and unwilling. And, alas! it is not now and then a Shilling, or a Crown given (very rarely) which will pay House-Rent, and maintain a Family. Those Ministers that were unmarryed, did easilier bear their Poverty; but it pierceth a Man's Heart to have Children crying, and Sickness come upon them for want of wholsom Food, or by drinking Water, and to have nothing to relieve them. And Women are usually less patient of Suffering than Men; and their Impatience would be more to a Husband than his own wants. I heard but lately, of a good Man, that was fain to Spin as Women do, to get something towards his Family's relief (which could be but little;) and being Melancholy and Diseased, it was but part of the Day that he was able to do that. Another (Mr. Chadwick in Somerset) for a long time had little but brown Rye Bread and Water for himself, his Wife, and many Children, and when his Wife was ready to lye in, was to be turned out of Door, for not paying his House-Rent. But yet God did mercifully provide some Supplies, that few of them either perished, or were exposed to forbid unseemly Beggary: But some few were tempted against their former Judgments to Conform. . . .

About this time the French surprized St. Christophers, and some other of our Plantations in the West Indies, and the Dutch took our Plantation of Siranam. And the Wars proceeding nearer home, in the end of June 1666. in the which many were kill'd on both side, and the D. of York so near the danger, as that he ventured himself in fight no more. Among others, the E. of Marlborough being slain, there was found about him a Letter written to Sir Hugh Pollard, Comptroller of the King's Houshold; in which (being awaken'd by Sea-dangers) he disclaim'd Sadducism, and pleaded for the Soul's Immortality; which was Printed, because being intimate Friends, they were both before supposed to be Infidels and Sadducees, that believed no Life after this.

On July 25, was the 2d great Sea-fight, in which the English had the better; And in August we seemed to prevail yet more; insomuch that Monk was said to proceed so far as to enter their Harbour, and burn 120 Ships in the River, and to burn a Thousand Houses on the Land, and give the Seamen the Plunder; for which, in the end of August the King appointed a Day of Thanksgiving to be kept in London, which was done; though many muttered, that it was not wisely done, to provoke the Dutch, by burning their houses, when it was easy for them to do the like by us, on our Sea-Coasts; and so to teach them the way of undoing us, while neither party gained by such doings. And that it was no good sign of future prosperity, when those that believed not, that there is a God, or at least that his providence disposeth of such things, would give God solemn Thanks for an unprofitable burning of the Houses of innocent Protestants. And our Confidence was then grown so high, that we talkt of nothing but bringing down the Dutch to our mercy, and bringing them to Comtempt and Ruine: But our Height was quickly taken down, by the loss of many Hamborough ships first, and then by a loss of many of our men, in an Attempt upon their Merchant ships in the Sound at Denmark; but especially by the firing of the City of London.

On Septemb. 2. after midnight, London was set on fire; and on Sept. 3 the Exchange was burnt; and in Three Days almost all the City within the Walls, and much without them. The season had been exceeding dry before, and the Wind in the East, where the Fire began. The people having none to conduct them aright, could do nothing to resist it, but stand and see their Houses burn without Remedy; with People and Carts, to carry away what Goods they could get out: And they that were most active, and befriended (by their Wealth) got Carts, and saved much; and the rest lost almost all. The Loss in Houses and Goods is scarcely to be valued: And among the rest, the Loss of Books was an exceeding great Detriment to the Interest of Piety and Learning: Almost all the Booksellers in St. Paul's Church-Yard brought their Books into Vaults under St. Paul's Church, where it was thought almost impossible that Fire should come. But the Church it self being on fire, the exceeding weight of the Stones falling down, did break into the Vault, and let in the Fire, and they could not come near to save the books. The Library also of Sion-Colledge was burnt, and most of the Libraries of Ministers, Conformable and Nonconformable, in the City; with the Libraries of many Nonconformists of the Countrey, which had been lately brought up to the City. I saw the half burnt Leaves of Books near my Dwelling at Acton six miles form London; but others found them near Windsor, almost twenty miles distant. At last, some Seamen taught them to blow up some of the next Houses with Gunpowder, which stopt the Fire. And in some places it stopt as wonderfully as it had proceeded, without any known Cause. It stopt at Holborn-Bridge, and near St. Dunstan's Church in Fleet-street, and at Sepulchre's Church (when the Church was burnt,) and at Christ's Church (when the Church was burnt,) and near Aldersgate and Cripplegate, and other places at the Wall, and in Austin Friars (the Dutch Church stopt it, and escaped,) and in Bishopsgate-street and Leadenhall-street, and Frenchurch-street, in the midst of the Streets, and short of the Tower, and all beyond the River (Southwark) escaped. Thus was the best, and one of the fairest Cities in the world turn'd into Ashes and Ruines in Three Days space, with many score Churches, and the Wealth and Necessaries of the Inhabitants. The Number of Houses are recorded by others.

It was a sight that might have given any Man a lively sense of the Vanity of this World, and all the Wealth and Glory of it, and of the future conflagration of all the World. To see the Flames mount up towards Heaven, and proceed so furiously without restraint: To see the streets filled with people astonished, that had scarce sense left them to lament their own calamity. To see the fields filled with heaps of Goods, and sumptuous Buildings, curious Rooms, costly Furniture and Household-Stuff: Yea, Warehouses and furnished Shops and Libraries, &c. all on a flame, and none durst come near to receive any thing. To see the King and Nobles ride about the streets, beholding all these Desolations, and none could afford the least Relief. To see the Air, as far as could be beheld, so filled with the smoak, that the Sun shined through it, with a colour like Blood; yea even when it was setting in the West, it so appeared to them that dwelt on the West side of the City. But the dolefullest sight of all was afterwards, to see what a ruinous confused place the City was, by Chimneys and Steeples only standing in the midst of Cellars and heaps of Rubbish; so that it was hard Ruines, because of Vaults, and fore in them. No man that seeth not such a thing, can have a right apprehension of the dreadfulness of it. . . .

And this is the Third terrible Judgment which London suffered, since the King's Return. First, many score of their Faithful Teachers were silenced, and cast out, and afterwards banished, or confined Five Miles from the City: And next, in 1665. the Plague and other sickness consumed about an Hundred Thousand: And when they began to be settled in their Habitations again, the Flames devoured their Houses and their substance. And it is not hard for the Reader here to imagine how many Thousands this must needs cast into utter Want and Beggary: And how many Thousands of the formerly Rich were disabled from relieving them. And how doleful the Case then must needs be, when good people, that were wont to relieve others, were cast into such distress, and few able to help them. And at the same time so many Hundred Families of silenced Ministers to be relieved, that looked to London most for Help. And after the Fire the Charitable were disabled; and also were in no small straits when they had a little to give, between the Ministers and the distressed Citizens, whom to give it to: such are easilier heard of than felt. And it was not the least part of the Calamity, that when people saw the Number of the indigent to be so great, that when they had done their best, it seemed as if they had done nothing; and also that on this pretence, other lying Beggars pretended themselves to be Londoners, it discouraged many from doing what they could and ought.

. . . But yet alas! the Effect of all these dreadful Judgments was not such as might have been hoped for, but still one Party cast all the Cause upon another, and the two Extreams did look more at each other's Faults than at their own. There was no confessing the Sin of Persecution, or silencing Christ's Ministers by the one side, but they justified their ways, and hated those that differed from them, as much as ever: . . . There was no lamenting former Scandals, Rebelllions, or Divisions, by the other Extreme; but the Dividers cryed out, its long of the Persecutors, and the persecuters cryed out, its long of the Schismaticks, and it is God's just Judgment on the City, that hath been so much against the King and the Bishops; and God would not pardon them thos the King did: So that while each side called the other to repentance, they did both fly from repentance more and more: And if there were not between them a sober party, that lamented sin most but were guilty of least. We should see no Prognosticks of any thing but utter desolation.

The great talk at this time was, Who were the burners of the City? And there came in so many Testimonies to prove that it was the plotted weapon of the Papists, as caused the Parliament themselves to appoint a Committee to enquire after it, and receive information: Whereupon a Frenchman (proved a Papist at last, tho the prodigal Son of a French Protestant) confest openly and constantly to the last, that he began the fire, hired to it by another French Papist (a debauch'd fellow) that was gone: The Man was sent through all the ruines, and shewed them truly the house which he fired (where it began), which then the Neighbours themselves could not easily have done. For which he was tryed at the Sessions, and upon his constant Confession was condemned and hanged. . . .

But some good rose out of all these Evils: The Churches being burnt, and the Parish Ministers gone (for want of places and maintenance) the Nonconformists were now more resolved than ever, to preach till they were imprisoned. . . . For now the peoples necessity was unquestionable: For they had none other to hear, saving a few Churches that could hold no considerable part of the people: So that to forbid them now to hear the Nonconformists, was all one as to forbid them all publick worshiping of God, and to Command them to forsake Religion and to live like Atheists: And thus to forbid them to seek for Heaven when they had lost almost all that they had on Earth, and to take from them their spiritual Comforts, after all their outward Comforts were gone, they thought a Cruelty so barbarous, as to be unbeseeming any Man, that would not own himself to be a Devil. But all this little moved the Ruling Prelates, saving that shame restrained them from imprisoning the Preachers so hotly and forwardly as before. The Independents also set up their Meetings more openly than before. . . . . . .

At the same time the Ministers of London who had ventured to keep open Meetings in their houses, and preached to great Numbers contrary to the Law, were by the King's favour connived at; So that the people went openly to hear them without fear: Some imputed this to the King's own inclination to liberty of Conscience; some to the D. of Buckingham's prevalency; some to the Papists Interest, who were for liberty of Conscience for their own Interest: But others thought that the Papists were really against Liberty of Conscience, and did rather desire and design that utmost severityies might ruine the Puritans, and cause Discontents and Divisions among our selves, till we had broken one another all into pieces, and turned all into such Confusions, as might advantage them to play a more sucessful Game, than ever Toleration was like to be. But whatever else was the secret cause, it is evident that the great visible cause was the burning of London, and the want of Churches for the people to meet in; It is being at the first a thing too gross, to forbid an undone people all publick worshiping of God, with too great rigour; And if they had been so forbidden, poverty had left them so little to lose as would have made them desperately go on. Therefore some though all this was, to make Necessity seem a favour. . . .

BAXTER REMEMBERS HIS OWN PERSONAL SUFFERING

. . . While I stayed in Prison, I saw some-what to blame my self for, and some-what to wonder at others for, and some-what to advise my Visitors about.

I blamed my Self that I was no more sensible of the Spiritual part of my Affliction, such as was the interruption of my Work, and the poor People from whom I was removed, and the advantage Satan had got against them, and the loss of my own publick Liberty, for worshipping in the Assemblies of his Servants.

I marvelled at some who suffered no more than I, (as Mr. Rutherford, when he was confined to Aberdeen) that their Sufferings occasioned them so great Joys as they express! which sure was from the Free Grace of God, to encourage others by their Examples, and not that their own Impatience made them need it much more than at other times. For surely so small a Suffering needeth not a quarter of the Patience, as many poor Nonconformable Ministers (and Thousands others) need, that are at liberty; whose own Houses, through Poverty, are made far worse to them, than my Prison was to me.

To my Visitors I found Reason, 1. To intreat my Acton-Neighbours, not to let their Passion against their Parson, on my account, hinder them from a due regard to his Doctrine, nor from any of the Duty which they owed him.

To blame some who aggravated my Sufferings, and to tell them, That I had no mind to fancy my self hurt before I felt it: I used at home to confine my self voluntarily almost as much: I had ten-fold more publick a Life here, and converse with my Friends, than I had at home: If I had been to take Lodgings at London for six Months, and had not known that this had been a Prison, and had knock'd at the Door and ask'd for Rooms, I should as soon have taken this which I was put into, as most in Town (save only for the Interruption of my sleep:) That it sheweth great weakness to magnifie a small Suffering, and much worse to magnifie our selves and our own Patience, for bearing so small a thing; (than which most poor Men in England bear more every Day.)

I found Cause to desire my Brethren, that when they suffered, they would remember that the design of Satan was more against their Souls than their Bodies: and that it was not the least of his hopes to destroy their Love, which was due to those by whom they suffered, and to dishonour Superiours, and by aggravating our Sufferings, to render them odious to the People: As also to make us take such a poor suffering as this, for a sign of true Grace, instead of Faith, Hope, Love, Mortification, and a Heavenly Mind; and that the loss of one Grain of Love, was worse than a long Imprisonment: And that it much more concerned us, to be sure that we deserved not Suffering, than that we be delivered from it, and to see that we wronged not our Superiours, than that they wrong not us; seeing we are not near so much hurt by their Severities, as we are by our Sins. Some told me, that they hoped this would make me stand a little further from the Prelates and their Worship than I had done. To whom I answered, That I wondred that they should think that a Prison should change my Judgment: I rather thought now it was my Duty to set a stricter watch upon my Passions, lest they should pervert my Judgment, and carry me into Extreams, in opposition to my Afflictors. (And not past a Year and half after, two Gentlemen turned Quakers in Prison.) If Passion made me lose my Love, or my Religion, the loss would be my own. And Truth did not change, because I was in a Goal. The temper of my Visitors called me much to this kind of talk. . . .

What is before written, what notified, that I have lain in above Forty Years constant Weaknesses, and almost constant Pains: My chief Troubles were incredible Inflamations of Stomach, Bowels, Back, Sides, Head, Thighs, as if I had been daily fill'd with Wind: So that I never knew, heard, or read of any man that had near so much. Thirty Physicians (at least) all called it nothing but Hypochondriack Flatulency, and somewhat of a Scorbutical Malady: Great bleeding at the Nose also did emaciate me, and keep me in a Chachectical Atropie. The particular Symptons were more than I can number. I thought my self, that my Disease was almost all from Debility of the Stomach, and extream Acrimony of Blood, by some Fault of the Liver. About the Year 1658. finding the Inflation much in the Membranes of the Reins, I suspected the Stone, and thought that one of my extream Leanness might possibly feel it: I felt both my Kidnies plainly indurate like Stone: But never having had a Nephritick Fit, nor Stone came from me in my Life, and knowing, that if that which I felt was Stone, the Greatness prohibited all Medicine that tended to a Cure: I thought therefore that it was best for me to be ignorant what it was: And so far was I from melancholy, that I soon forgot that I had felt it, even for about Fifteen Years. But my Inflations beginning usually in my Reins, and all my Back, daily torn, and greatly pained by it, 1673. it turned to terrible Suffocations of my Brain and Lungs; So that if I slept, I was suddenly and painfully awakened: The Abatement of Urine, and constant Pain, which Nature almost yielded to as Victorious, renewed my Suspicion of the Stone, And my Old Exploration: And feeling my Lean Back, both the Kidneys were greatlier indurate than before, and the Membrane so sore to touch, as if nothing but Stone were within them: The Physicians said, That the Stone cannot be felt with the Hand! I desired Four of the Chief of them to feel them: They all concluded that it is the Kidneys which they felt, and that they are hard (like Stone or Bone); but what it is they could not tell; but they thought, if both the Kidneys had Stones so big, as seemed to such feeling, it was impossible but I should be much worse, by Vomiting and Torment, and not able to Preach, and go about. I told them besides what Skenkius and many Observators say; That I could tell them of many of late times, whose Reins and Gall were full of Stone (great ones in the Reins, and many small ones in the Gall), who had, some of them, never suspected the Stone, and some but little: But while One or Two of the Physicians (as they use) did say, It could not be, lest they should (as they thought) discourage me, I became the Common Talk of the City, especially the Women; as if I had been a melancholy Humourist, that conceited my Reins were petrified, when it was no such matter, but meer Conceit. And so while I lay Night and Day in Pain, my supposed Melancholy (which I thank God, all my Life hath been extraordinary free from) became, for a Year, the Pity, or Derision of the Town. But the Discovery of my Case was a great mercy to my Body and my Soul: For,

Thereupon, seeing that all Physicians had been deceived, and perceiving that all my Flatulency and Pains came from the Reins by Stagnation, Regurgitation and Acrimony, I cast off all other Medicine and Diet, and Twice a Week kept clean my Intestines by an Electuary of Cassia, Terebinth. Cypr. and Rhab. &c. or Pills of Rhab. and Terebinth. Scio. Using also Syrup of Mallows in all my Drink; and God hath given me much more Abatements and Intermissions of Pain this Year and half, than in my former overwhelming Pains I could expect.

And whether it be a Schyrrus, or Stones (which I doubt not of), I leave to them to tell others, who shall dissect my Corps: But sure I am that I have wonderful Cause of Thankfulness to God, for the Ease which I have had these Forty Years: Being fully satisfied, that (by ill Diet, Old Cheese, Raw Drinks and Salt Meats) whatever it is, I contracted it before Twenty Years of Age, and since Twenty One or Twenty Two, have had just the same Symptoms as now at Sixty, saving the different strength of Nature to resist. And that I should in Forty Years have a few hours without pain (to call me to redeem my Time), and yet not one Nephritick Torment, nor Acrimony of Urine (save One Day of Bloody Urine) nor intolerable kind of Pain: What greater Bodily Mercy could I have had? How merciful, how suitable hath this Providence been. My Pains now in Reins, Bowels, and Stomach, &c. are almost constant; but with merciful Alleviations upon the foresaid means.

As I have written this to mind Physicians, to search deeper, when they use to take up with the General Hiding Names of Hypochondriacks and Scorbuticks, and to cautions Students; so I now proceed to that which occasioned it. I had tried Cow's Milk, Goats Milk, Breast Milk, and lastly, Asses Milk, and none of them agreed with me; But having Thirty Years ago read in many great Practitioners, That for Bloody Urine, and meer Debility of the Reins, Sheeps Milk doth Wonders (see Gordonius, Forestus, Schoubo, &c.) I had long a desire to try it, and never had Opportunity. But as I was saying this to my Friend, a Child answered, That their next Neighbour (a Quaker) did still milk their Sheep (a Quarter of a Year after the usual time, or near): Whereupon I procured it for six Weeks, to the greatest increase of my Ease, Strength and Flesh, of any thing that ever I had tried.

And at the same time, being driven from Home, and having an Old License of the Bishop's yet in Force, by the Countenance of that, and the great industry of Mr. Berisford, I had Leave and Invitation for Ten Lord's Days to Preach in the Parish-Churches round about. The first Parish that I Preach'd in, after Thirteen Years Ejection and Prohibition, was Rickmersworth, and after that at Sarrat, at Kings Langley, at Chessam, at Chalford, and at Amersham, and that often Twice a Day: Those heard that had not come to Church of Seven Years; and Two or Three Thousand heard where scarce an Hundred were wont to come, and with so much Attention and Willingness, as gave me very great Hopes that I never spake to them in vain. And thus Soul and Body had these special Mercies.

But the Censures of Men pursued me, as before: The Envious Sort of the Prelatists accused me, as if I had intruded into the Parish Churches too boldly, and without Authority: The Quarrelsome Sectaries, or Separatists, did in London speak against me, for drawing People to the Parish-Churches and the Liturgy; and many gave out, That I did Conform. And all my Days nothing hath been charged on me so much as my Crimes, as my costliest and greatest Duties. But the pleasing of God, and saving Souls, will pay for all.

The Countries about Rickmersworth abounding with Quakers, because Mr. W. Pen their Captain, dwelleth there, I was desirous that the Poor People should Once hear what was to be said for their Recovery; Which coming to Mr. Pen's Ears, he was forward to a Meeting, where we continued speaking to Two Rooms full of People, (Fasting) from Ten a Clock till Five (One Lord and Two Knights, and Four Conformable Ministers, besides others, being present, some all the Time, and some part). The Success gave me Cause to believe that it was not labour lost: An Account of the Conference may be published ere long (if there be cause.) . . .

Having been for retirement in the Country from July till August 14. 1682, returning in great weakness, I was able only to Preach twice, of which the last was in my usual Lecture in New-street, and it fell out to be August 24. just that day twenty year, that I (and near Two thousand more) has been by Law forbidden to Preach any more. I was sensible of God's wonderful mercy that had kept so many of us Twenty years in so much Liberty and Peace, while so many severe Laws were in force against us, and so great a number were round about us, who wanted neither malice nor power to afflict us. And so I took that day my leave of the Pulpit and publick Work, in a thankful Congregation. And it is like indeed to be my last.

But after this when I had ceased Preaching, I was (being newly risen from Extremity of pain) suddenly surprized in my house by a poor violent Informer, and many Constables and Officers, who rusht in and apprehended me, and served on me one Warrant to seize on my person for coming within five miles of a Corporation, and five more Warrants, to distrain for an Hundred and ninty pounds, for five Sermons. They cast my Servants into Fears, and were about to take all my Books and Goods, and I contentedly went with them towards the Justice to be sent to Jail, and left my house to their will: But Dr. Thomas Cox, meeting me, forced me in again to my Couch and bed, and went to five Justices and took his Oath (without my knowledge) that I could not go to Prison without danger of Death: Upon that the Justices delayed a day till they could speak with the King, and told him what the Doctor had sworn; and the King consented, that at the present imprisonment should be forborn, that I might die at home. But they Executed all their Warrants on my Books and Goods; even the bed that I lay sick on, and sold them all: and some friends paid them as much money as they were prized at, which I repayed, and was fain to send them away. The Warrant against my person was signed by Mr. Parrey and Mr. Phillips: The five Warrants against my Goods by Sir James Smith and Sir James Butcher: And I had never the least notice of any accusation, or who were the Accusers or Witnesses, much less did I receive any Summons to appear, or answer for my self, or ever saw the Justices or Accusers. But the Justice that sign'd the Warrants for Execution said that the two Hiltons solicited him for them, and one Bucke led the Constables that distreined.

But though I sent the Justice the written Deeds which proved that the Goods were none of mine (nor ever were) and sent two Witnesses whose hands were to those Conveyances, I offered their Oaths of it, and also proved that the books I had many years ago alienated to my kinsman, this signified nothing to them, but they seized and sold all nevertheless; And both patience and prudence forbad us to trie the Title at Law, when we knew what Charges had been lately made of Justices, and Juries, and how others had been used. If they had taken only my Cloak they should have had my Coat also, and if they had taken me on one Cheek I would have turned the other: for I knew the case was such that he that will not put up one blow, one wrong or slander, shall suffer two, yea many more.

But when they had taken and sold all, and I borrowed some Bedding and Necessaries of the Buyer, I was never the quieter: for they threatned to come upon me again, and take all as mine, whosesoever it was, which they found in my possession: So that I had no remedy, but utterly to forsake my House and Goods and all, and take secret Lodgings distant in a stranger's House. But having a long Lease of my own House, which binds me to pay a greater Rent than now it is worth, when-ever I go I must pay that Rent.

The separation from my Books would have been a greater part of my small Affliction, but that I found I was near the end both of that Work and Life which needeth Books; and so I easily let go all: Naked came I into the World, and naked must I go out.

But I never wanted less (what Man can give) than when Men had taken all: My old Friends (and Strangers to me) were so Liberal, that I was fain to restrain their Bounty: Their kindness was a surer and larger Revenue to me than my own.

But God was pleased quickly to put me past all fear of Man, and all desire of avoiding suffering from them by Concealment; by laying on me more himself than Man can do: Their Imprisonment, with tolerable Health, would have seemed a Palace to me; And had they put me to death for such a Duty as they Persecute me, it would have been a joyful end of my Calamity. But day and night I groan and languish under God's just afflicting hand; The pain which before only tired my Reins, and tore my Bowels, now also fell upon my Bladder, and scarce any part or hour is free. As Waves follow Waves in the Tempestuous Seas, so one pain and danger followeth another, in this sinful miserable Flesh: I die daily, and yet remain alive: God, in his great Mercy, knowing my dulness in health and ease, doth make it much easier to repent and hate my sin, and loath my self, and contemn the World, and submit to the Sentence of death with willingness, than otherwise it was ever like to have been. O how little is it that wrathful Enemies can do against us, in comparison of what our sin, and the Justice of God can do? And O how little is it that the best and kindest of Friends can do, for a pained Body, or a guilty sinful Soul, in comparison of one gracious look or word from God. Woe be to him that hath no better help than Man: And blessed is he whose help and hope is in the Lord.