Christian History Institute Presents Pastwords #69: A Sermon Delivered to the First and Third Societies in Cambridge on the Anniversary Fast in Massachusetts by John Foster ©2007

FOSTER EXPOSES OUR FEDERAL GOVERNMENT'S CORRUPT DECLINE

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ime was, when America could claim preeminence in piety and good morals; when the things, that are pure and honest, were almost universally approved; when the profligate votaries of licentiousness and irreligion were constrained to hide themselves from the observation and censure of a virtuous community. But "how is the gold become dim! How is the most fine gold changed!" No sooner was our independence achieved and recognised, than the jealousy which had been hitherto directed against the British cabinet, was unreasonably transferred to our own government. The public mind, still impassioned, and indignant at the recollection of injuries received from the exactions of arbitrary power, was predisposed to anticipate encroachment, and to magnify even the necessary restraints of law and justice into acts of oppression. Availing themselves of this prevalent weakness, the dissolute, designing, and desperate, who can never rise to eminence but by turning the world upside down, industriously circulated suspicions and complaints among the people, till many believed themselves ruled with a rod of iron, and daringly resorted to arms for relief, at the very moment, when the true cause of their grievances was the want of a more energetic system of policy. A temporary check was given to this destructive infatuation, and its insidious abettors, by the adoption of the federal constitution, and the wise administration of our beloved Washington; which at once conciliated the confidence and respect of surrounding nations, and inspired the pleasing hope of domestic prosperity and peace. But the distracting commotions of Europe soon extended their baneful influence to these western regions, interrupted our growing harmony, and clouded our fairest prospects. These commotions furnished a new, and imposing pretence to those restless beings, who had found it necessary to suspend their labors, not for want of inclination, but for want of means and opportunities to continue them. France, it was proclaimed and echoed, had delivered us from collonial oppression; and was therefore entitled, not only to our gratitude, but to our assistance and imitation. As if we also were engaged in the work of revolution, societies were organized in these States, who claimed fraternity with the Jacobin clubs of the French republic; and openly adopted the same principles, if not the same appellation. In the mean time, increasing swarms of fugitives from the old world were disgorged upon our shores, who, joining in the current clamore for reform, extended and prolonged the reign of licentiousness and innovation. The doctrines of disorganization were repeated, till they became too familiar to excite just alarm. Inured to scenes of political intrigue, and infested by a rancorous spirit of party, we imperceptibly lost that veneration for the gospel and its institutions, and relinquished that purity and simplicity of manners, by which our fathers rose to honor and greatness.

No longer impressed or awed by the solemn truths of revelation, "the wicked walk on every side." Numbers are found, who professedly "cast off fear and restrain prayer;" represent the bible, as an artful fabrication, calculated by ambitious priests and statesmen to terrify and enslave a credulous would; and recommend, as real and important discoveries, those absurd and impious sophisms, which tend alike to the destruction of social order, and the subversion of all the moral distinctions of right and wrong! Others, who have not the hardihood to avow their apostacy from the Christian faith, have learned, nevertheless, to treat many a clear dictate of reason, and injunction of scripture, as the mere prejudices of ignorance, transmitted from a superstitious ancestry! By exaggerating the enthusiasm and intolerance of former times, and extolling the enlightened liberality of the present, they give a kind of sanction to prevailing dissipation, and are imboldened to "speak peace to themselves, though they walk in the imagination of their hearts!"

The frequent exemplification of impious and immoral practice naturally tends to diminish and destroy that aversion, which it necessarily excites in every mind, not habituated to behold it. Hence excesses, which would once have subjected their authors to a universal burst of public indignation and censure, are witnessed without a frown; and, wither for want of inclination, or from a persuasion of its impracticality, to fix the merited stigma of disgrace upon unprincipled and abandoned characters is seldom attempted. Such characters, of course, appear with boldness, and spread the contagion of their example far and wide. Beside the alarming prevalence of infidelity, profaneness, luxury, sensuality, and the long catalogue of transgressions, which flow from an undue attachment to sublunary possessions and pleasures, perpetrations portending the most insupportable evils to society, and putting every thing dear to humanity at immediate hazard, abound among us. Nor are these perpetrations confined to the desperate and shameless votaries of vulgar profligacy. They are displayed, with all their horrors, in the more elevated walks of life; and by men, whose talents and stations give them a most extensive and pernicious influence. Duels have been repeatedly fought by members of our national legislature! And the constituted guardians of our rights disclaiming all jurisdiction over transactions of this nature; and the neglecting in any form to bear testimony against them,* the horrid practice has rapidly increased, both among rulers and citizens, till a spectacle is presented to our astonished minds, for which history has no parallel, and language no description! The second magistrate of the nation imbrues his hands in the blood of a fellow citizen, whom the dictates of humanity, the obligations of religion, and the oath of office required him to protect from violence and outrage.† With these polluted hands he flees from the demands of justice; and, proceeding in a circuitous route to the Capitol, resumes his seat, as President of the Senate, and Vice President of the United States! Nor is it once made a question, in either house of Congress, whether he shall continue to retain and exercise the prerogative of this exalted station! Say not, that the constitution makes no provision for the punishment of such offenders; and therefore, that the discussion and decision of this question would have exceeded the limits of their authority. Does not the constitution provide, that the most dignified officers in the administration shall be impeached and removed for "high crimes and misdemeanors?"

• If justice of the Supreme Court of the Union is to be arraigned, as an evil doer, on the unsupported charge of partiality in the conviction and punishment of men, who had confessedly "made insurrection," and exerted all their talents to bring the government into disrepute and contempt, ought the Vice President, who had notoriously usurped the prerogatives of judge, jury, and executioner in his own cause, not only to escape with impunity, but to preside at the trial? Is this to render "equal justice to men of all opinions, political and religious?" What could more directly tend to multiply those "bloody crimes," with which the land, if not yet full, is apparently and deeply stained; and which, separate from such other atrocious acts of wickedness, as prevail among us, and in the language of scripture are figuratively said to "defile with blood," give the dreadful charge in the text a direct and literal application to our guilty country? What, in the future, is to set bounds to that virulence of party zeal, which has pervaded the public mind; and what is to prevent "every man from slaying his brother, and every man his companion, and every man his neighbor?"

§ If the passions of the wicked are to be uncontroled; if neither disgrace nor inconvenience is to be attached to the murder of a rival; if both the government and the people are to connive at deeds of horror, and admit the principle of personal revenge and political persecution, the reign of terror will commence in reality; and a perpetual collision of contending factions ensue, till some aspiring demagogue, more bold and successful than the rest, shall usurp supreme command; and “make a chain,” too strong for us, or our children to sever! This, to say the least, is the natural tendency of “violent disorders and implacable discord in free States; they lead to anarchy and end in despotism. There may be much diversity in the process, but the result is nearly the same.

“When political disputes are conducted with moderation and candor, they are innocent, and may be useful. But when parties become eager and vehement; when in the heat of contention they loose sight of the public interest, and endeavor to mislead the citizens by false representations, they corrupt the public morals, and tend directly to licentiousness and confusion. In such cases, there would be danger that the most unprincipled would be the most successful. They might resort to measures, which their opponents might be unwilling to adopt; for honest men would disdain to deceive the people, and would never deviate from right conduct to promote any cause, or produce any change in opinions or measures. But if men of corrupt principles should predominate, they might choose rather to submit to a despot of their own selection, than hazard the loss of their ill acquired influence.”*

Men of corrupt principles and ambitious designs are “the rod of God’s anger,”† and employed by his righteous providence to chastise prevailing iniquity. Nor are such men ever wanting in a degenerate and backsliding community. With us, their numbers are increased, and their machinations aided by the continued influx of discontented foreigners; the pernicious effects of which have been remarkably portrayed by an active statesman of our own country. “It is, says he, “for the happiness of those united in society to harmonize as much as possible in matters which they must of necessity transact together. Civil government being the sole object of forming societies, its administration must be conducted by common consent. Every species of government has its specific principles. Ours perhaps are more peculiar than any other in the universe. It is a composition of the freest principles of the English constitution, with others derived from natural reason. To these nothing can be more opposed than the maxims of absolute monarchies. Yet, from such, we are to expect the greatest number of emigrants. They will being with them the principles of the governments they leave, imbibed in their early youth; or, if able to throw them off, it will be in exchange for an unbounded licentiousness; passing as is usual from one extreme to another. It would be a miracle were they to stop precisely at the point of temperate liberty. These principles, with their language, they will transmit to their children. In proportion to their numbers, they will share with us the legislation. They will infuse into it their spirit, warp and vias its directions, and render it a heterogeneous, incoherent, distracted mass.”

Time has proved the truth of this prediction. The evils its anticipates and describes are believed by many to exist among us. Yet no measures are adopted to arrest their progress, or prevent their continuance! On the contrary, the emigration of foreigners is encouraged, and their naturalization facilitated, under the administration, and at the official request of the same active statesman,• from whose “Notes on Virginia,”§ the preceding remarks are quoted!

Thus allured to our shores, and admitted to our councils, is it not more than possible that foreigners may ultimately gain an ascendancy over us, which open hostility could never insure them? For a time, they may condescend to act in the subordinate capacity of auxiliaries; and aid the party, whose views and wishes are most congenial to their own, to counteract and crush their rivals. Caressed and rewarded for these exertions, will it be miraculous, if their numbers and influence increase, till they become formidable to every description of native Americans, and elevate some daring chieftain of their own, on the ruins of our republican freedom? In any event, will they not transplant the vices and intrigues of the old world into our once united and happy country, and expose us to the awful destiny of being “devoured one of another?”£ Here, perhaps our greatest danger lies. Placed at a desirable distance from the more ancient and corrupt regions of the earth, we have little to fear from their arms; and, if we can surmount their arts, may long be exempt from their crimes and miseries. But if their outcast adventurers are to participate with us the rights of suffrage; to take upon themselves the direction of our public prints; ? and to sustain various and important offices in the national government.‡ our altars, both of liberty and religion are in jeopardy. Security from the invasion of foreign foes can afford little consolation to the reflecting mind, while thus exposed to the insidious machination of designing men; “carried about by every wind of doctrine;”? and apparently hastening into the fatal vortex of those domestic feuds, which admit of no remedy, but the unlimited authority of a master! These are “signs of the times,”¶ which by attentive observer are as easily discerned, as “the face of the sky.” Reason, revelation, and history conspire to render them obvious, and to point out and prescribe the only effectual antidote. “Now, therefore, saith the Lord, turn ye even to me with all your heart, and with fasting, and with weeping, and with mourning; and rend your heart and not your garments, and turn unto the Lord your God; for he is gracious and merciful, slow to anger, and of great kindness, and repenteth him of the evil. Who knoweth if he will return and repent, and leave a blessing behind him. Sanctify a fast, call a solemn assembly; gather the people, sanctify the congregation, assemble the elders; let the priests, the ministers of the Lord, weep between the porch and the altar; and let them say, Spare they people, O Lord, and give not thine heritage to reproach, that the heathen should rule over them.”*

It is impossible to escape the ills, which threaten us, but by combined and individual exertions for the commonweal. If we “mock the messengers of God and despise his words, the anger of the Lord will rise against us, till there is no remedy.”† But if we humble ourselves under his mighty hand, and seasonably “ask for the old paths, the good way, and walk therein,”• we may yet find rest and safety.

Let us, then, recur to first principles, and test our practice by the longtried maxims of wisdom and virtue. Our fathers esteemed it all important that “they who rule over men, should rule in the fear of God.”§ In our day, this inspired aphorism has been much contested. Because the national compact requires no particular profession of faith, as a qualification for office, it has been argued, that the citizen has not even a right to prefer the Christian to the infidel candidate; but is bound by the supreme law of the land totally to disregard religious character, in the bestowment of his suffrage. Nothing can be more sophistical and absurd than such reasoning. The proper inference from the fact is directly the reverse. An additional obligation is hence inferred upon us, uniformly to fix our eyes upon the “faithful of the land,”£ and elevate none to posts of power, but those, who have no need to inform us, or the world, that they are Christians. Our constitution leaves the ultimate decision of this question, not with those, whose ambition may impel them to falsehood and perjury; but with the community at large, whose interest and duty jointly require circumspection and integrity, in the exercise of the electoral prerogative. It is well known, that infidels have seldom, if ever been deterred from seeking or accepting places of honor and emolument by religious tests.

Collins, and Shaftsbury, two of the most artful, unwearied, and notorious adversaries of Christianity, who have disgraced the English nation, shrunk not from the solemn and impious mockery of receiving the sacrament of the Lord’s supper, as a prerequisite to their investiture with office!? Nor can it be expected, that the disciples of such masters will, in any age or country, scruple to adopt means, equally hypocritical and base, for the sake of aggrandizing themselves.

Nothing, I am bold to affirm, nothing short of a decided predilection for evangelical purity, in the source of power, can save the world from the chastisement of wicked rulers. And since in the United States all power emanates from the people, every citizen has the public morals and the public happiness intrusted to his care.

He, who invariably discountenances the unprincipled and dissolute courtiers of popularity, and exclusively supports the friends of religion and virtue, contributes his share to banish guilt and misery from the land, and to multiply the years of our tranquility. He presents a constant and powerful inducement to all, who aim at distinction, to cultivate and exemplify the things that are excellent; and, instead of the obsequious imitator of fashionable iniquity, appears in the dignified attitude of a guardian and guide to his country. But wo to him, who deliberately throws his weight into the scale of impiety and licentiousness, by favoring the promotion of their pestilent votaries. Not to insist on the ruinous effects of evil example in exalted stations, by the encouragement of which he becomes a “partaker of other men’s sins;”‡ and, far beyond the extent of his personal influence, spreads corruption and wretchedness around him; he exposes himself to “make shipwreck of faith and a good conscience.”? For in proportion as he contemplates the enemies of the cross with affection, esteem, and confidence, he necessarily looses his former reverence for the doctrines, and the precepts of the gospel, which they counteract and despise; suspects its professors, and teachers of arbitrary and tyrannical designs; and proceeds by imperceptible, yet swift degrees, from the dupe to the partisan and advocate of irreligion. Beheld in this light, an awful solemnity, importance, and responsibility are annexed to the obligation in debate. It is no longer a matter of mere political expediency, unconnected with our moral character and destiny, and affecting only our temporal convenience and safety. It is a Christian duty, with which we cannot dispense, but at the risk of our eternal salvation.

Under this impression, be it our ardent desire and endeavor, whenever we are called to the interesting and honorable task, to “provide out of all the people able men, such as fear God, men of truth, hating covetousness; and place such over us to be rulers.”¶ Let no coincidence of opinion on subjects of less moment, no regard to personal advantage, no partiality to friends induce us to aid the advancement of “bloody or deceitful men,”¥ who “turn the grace of God into lasciviousness; deny the Lord that bought them;”? and, “while they promise us liberty, are themselves the servants of corruption.”? Having done our utmost to vest integrity and talents with legal authority, let us “lead quiet and peaceable lives in all godliness and honesty.”ƒ

Sensible that human laws extend only to the outward behavior, and that even this is, in many instances, beyond their reach; that conscience is the only tribunal on earth, at which we can be arraigned for many of our actions, and for all our designs; and that it is only by the purity of this internal arbiter of right and wrong, that a great variety of injurious purposes and perpetrations can be prevented, let us cultivate habitual devotion to God, and practise the social, as well, as the personal and divine virtues, in obedience to his holy will. This alone can give worth and stability to our exertions of patriotism, and reconcile us to the frequent sacrifices of private interest and ambition, which the national prosperity and independence may demand.

How desirable, in this view is the revival of a primitive regard to the Christian sabbath and worship. The neglect and contempt of these have given rise to a much greater proportion of the immorality and unbelief of our times, then we may imagine. So fascinating are the pleasures, and so engrossing the cares and labors of life, that without the recurrence of stated periods of retirement and meditation; without being often reminded of their relation to a future world, and the obligations it imposes, the best informed, much more the ignorant and unreflecting are soon absorbed by the selfish gratifications and pursuits of time, and loose the main spring of every nobler acquisition and achievement.

Instead therefore of floating with the tide of popular dissipation and excess, let us take a resolute and active part. Let us resist “the overflowing scourge”* of foreign influence and foreign vice, and while we stem the torrent of modern innovation, let us reverse and recommend those ancient institutions, usages, and manners, which are so obviously adapted to the preservation of social order, and individual enjoyment. For the sake, both of ourselves and others, let us pay an exemplary attention to every mean of moral improvement, which reason and scripture prescribe. In this way, let us imbibe the spirit of the gospel, and prepare ourselves to “serve our generation by the will of God.”† While in our closets and families as well, as in the house of prayer, we bewail our own, and the sins of the land; deprecate the righteous displeasure of heaven, and implore divine forgiveness and protection, let us exert our respective influence to excite a general attention to “the things, which belong to our peace, before they are hidden from our eyes,”• “For behold the Lord cometh out of his place, to punish the inhabitants of the earth for their iniquity.” § Europe, deluged in blood, and deprived of every alternative but slavery or war, calls aloud to America, to know and improve “the day of her visitation.” £ Beside the powerful motives, which always result from a due regard to our present and future welfare, the peculiar situation of our country, and I may add of all Christendom urges the fitness and necessity of decision. “Never,” to conclude in the words of a late impressive writer,? “never were times more eventful and critical; never were appearances more singular and interesting, in the political, or in the religious world. You behold, on the one hand, infidelity with dreadful irruption, extending its ravages far and wide; and on the other, an amassing accession of zeal and activity to the cause of Christianity. Error, in all its forms, is assiduously and successfully propagated; but the progress of evangelical truth is also great. The number of the apparently neutral party daily diminishes, and men are now, either becoming worshippers of the God and Father of our Lord Jesus Christ, or receding fast through the mists of scepticism into the dreary regions of speculative and practical atheism. It seems as if Christianity and infidelity were mustering each the host of the battle, and preparing for some great day of God. The enemy is come in like a flood; but the spirit of the Lord hath lift up a standard against him. Who then is on the Lord’s side? Let him come forth to the help of the Lord, to the help of the Lord against the mighty.”

*A motion was brought forward in congress during the session of 1802, (if I mistake not) designed to punish, or at least to discoutenance this barbarous custom. This motion, however, was rejected, as beyond the power, vested in the representatives and guardians of the people. And yet the Constitution expressly provides, (Article II, Sect. 5) that “each house may determine the rules of its proceedings, punish its members for disorderly behavior, and, with the concurrence of two thirds, expel a member.”

† “No person,” says the 7 article of amendments to the Constitution, “No person shall be held to answer for a capital, or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a presentment, or indictment of a grand jury; not shall be compelled in any criminal case to be a witness against himself; nor be deprived of life, liberty, or property without due process of law.” As Vice President of the United States, Col. Burr had solemnly sworn “to support this Constitution.” Did he then, or did he not perjure himself, when he took the life of General Hamilton, without indictment or process of law?

• The words of the Constitution are, “The President, Vice President, and all civil officers of the United States, shall be removed from office on impeachment for, and conviction of, treason, bribery, or other high crimes and midsemeanors.” Article II. Sect. 4

§ Exodus, xxxii. 27.

* See Gov. Strong’s excellent speech to the legislature of Massachusetts, published in the Repertory of January 22, 1805.

† Isaiah, x. 5.

• Thomas Jefferson Esq. now President of the United States; who, in his first message to Congress, after his induction to office, holds the following language. “I cannot omit to receommend a revisal of the law, on the subject of naturalization. COnsidering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of citizenship under fourteen years, is a denial to a great proportion of those who ask it; and controls a policy, pursued from their first settlement, by many of these States, and still believed of consequence to their prosperity. And shall we refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality, which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers, arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no assylum on this globe? The COnstitution has wisely provided that for admission to certain offices of important trust, a residence shall be required sufficient to develope character and design. But might not the general character, and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to every one, manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes permanently with us?”

§ Pages 119, 120 of H. Sprague’s Boston Edition, 1802.

£ Galatians, v. 15.

? Already are a very considerable proportion of the leading newspapers in the United States edited by foreigners. Whether these imported editors, who have undertaken the philanthropic task of teaching Americans how to be free, “have brought with them the principles of the governments, they have left;” or whether they have “thrown them off in exchange for an upbounded licentiousness;” or whether they have wrought “a miracle, and stopped at the precise point of rational liberty,” is worthy the serious inquiry both of their patrons and opposers.

‡ The number of native Europeans, who represent the people of the United States in both houses of Congress, and hold places of trust and influence in other departments of the administration, has long been a subject of regret and alarm to many honest, patriotic, and intelligent citizens.

? Ephes. ix. 14.

¶ Matth. xvi. 3.

* Joel, ii. 12-17. † 2 Chron. xxxvi. 16. • Jeremiah, vi. 16. § 2 Sam. xxiii. 3. £ Psalm, ci. 6.

? See Fuller’s “Gospel its own witness” p.75. New York edit. 1801.

‡ 1 TIM. V. 22. ? 1 TIM. i. 19. ¶ Exodus. xviii. 21. ¥ Psalm v. 6. ? Jude, ver. 4. ? 2 Pet. ii. 19. ƒ I Tim. ii. 2.

* Isaiah, xxviii. 13. † Acts, xiii. 36. • Luke, xix, 42. § Isaiah, xxvi. 21. £ Luke, xix, 44. ? Ferrier”s discourses delivered at Paisly (Eng.) June 1798.

‡ 1 TIM. V. 22. ? 1 TIM. i. 19. ¶ Exodus. xviii. 21. ¥ Psalm v. 6. ? Jude, ver. 4. ? 2 Pet. ii. 19. ƒ I Tim. ii. 2.

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